Oral history essay

The Vietnam War effected the whole world in many ways. But when talking about wars in class only give you one perspective which is the big picture. But what about the small picture? The effect the war had on individuals and their families. Sometimes hearing the story from someone who was in the war can give you a better understanding about the conditions they faced. For this oral history paper interviewed my uncle Steven Mangled who was an engineer sergeant in the Vietnam War.During this time before the draft was abolished n 1 973, many troops were selected for service through the drafts but those who didn't want to go to war would sometimes flee to Canada or other places. 25 percent of the troops that served in this war were draftees. These people were called â€Å"draft dodgers. † My uncle didn't want to be one of these people and wanted to do his duty as an American citizen so he joined the army in the 1 ass's after graduating college. He went through NCO school, which is a course to becoming a non-commissioned officer.He then went through his training to become a sergeant and entered the U. S Army Corps of Engineers. Shortly after, around 1 970, he was sent to Vietnam. His mission there was to support an artillery unit that was stationed on the border of North and South Vietnam. He built and designed things like helicopter pads, flood protection systems, facilities for the army and many other things. During his stay he also had the opportunity to help build a hospital for the Vietnamese people.One of the things that affected my uncle during the war was the subject of races. At this time period there was a lot of civil rights movements going on. The Vietnam War had a very high percentage of blacks more than any war before it. Blacks made up about 13 percent of the troops that served. Before joining the war my uncle had a lot of prejudices about the different races, but started to think differently after working closely with people from all different r aces and ethnicities. He learned to live with them and became very close to a lot of them.The Vietnam War provided these African Americans and Hispanics their first experiences of white comradeship and really opened peoples eyes to the fact that they weren't all that different. Of course there was bound to be occasional racial tension but they tried to keep this tension from affecting the performance of the troops. My uncle started to gain respect for Hispanics in the war. He said that they were the hardest workers and had a great work ethic. His visions of the races totally changed.Another thing that really affected my uncle was when he was building the hospital for the Vietnamese. The hospitals in the Vietnam War were different from any other war. There wasn't a very good road system through Vietnam so transportation was very hard so most of the hospitals were semi-permanent. Before the hospital was completed they started treating patients. The patients were of all ages, from chil dren to elderly. Since he roads weren't very good the helicopter was a great help in getting patients to the hospitals and saved many lives.My uncle described the injuries as brutal and a lot of times fatal. Seeing all of the wounded really got to him. He expected to see some injuries but figured that because he was an engineer that he wouldn't be too close to a lot of them. He had time to talk to a lot of the Vietnamese, and was shocked at the fear that they lived in. Men his age had been living in war zones all their lives and grew up in very bad poverty. This made him appreciate where he comes from. He realized how lucky he as to have grown up not scared about having his home raided or burned down or his family torn apart.The American dream was a real thing and he was glad to be living it back at home. We read about wars all the time but almost always just look at the big picture. You hear about mass causalities and death rates. Talking to my uncle made me see the effects of war on a smaller scale. I now better understand how people felt while at war and the things they Saw. Know that he is very proud Of his service in the war, and I am too. If it weren't for the brave men and women who fought for our country we wouldn't have the freedom we have now.

Queer Theories African American Homosexual

Trapped: The Dilemma of the African American Homosexual Colin Chastain April 1, 2013 Dr. Wayne Brekhus Sociology 3300: Queer Theories Introduction When someone hears the word â€Å"gay† or â€Å"queer†, they most often think of the middle class, Caucasian gay male. For my research proposal, I plan on studying what is very often overlooked in queer identity: the struggle of queer identity in the African American gay male. I am interested in studying this because I grew up knowing I was gay in a small, middle class town in rural America.I wish to argue how gay African Americans are restricted by Black stereotypes, gay stereotypes, acceptance with stipulations in the gay community and black community, racism in the gay community, homophobia in the Black community, perceptions of blackness and masculinity attitudes toward homosexuality and their effect on gay Black men living openly, homosexuality and religion (the black church), and media perceptions of Black homosexuality . The majority of the black community stated they wished to live restriction free lives. They are not able to fully be themselves in their daily lives and often have to assimilate to be accepted.While much research has been conducted on white gay males, there is very little study on African Americans who identify with the queer identity. African Americans already have to struggle with the racism and stereotypes of being â€Å"black† as an extremely masculinized and heterosexual environment while struggling with the internal conflict of being gay, which makes their experience unique. â€Å"Because African? Americans have already encountered a very traumatic experience with oppression, one could safely assume that African? Americans would be more sensitive to socially oppressive practices such as being gay so most decide to conceal it.Sadly, African? American homosexual males are largely viewed by Black heterosexuals as: not really Black, deviant, a disgrace, an embarrassment and, worse yet, an agent of genocide aimed against their own race† (Alexander, 2004: 76, 78). Racism within the Gay Community It is sad to see that racism is still prevalent even within the gay community; a community that is oppressed almost as much as African Americans. The relationship between the gay community and Black community has been one of association and disassociation. The gay community throughout history has likened their struggle to that of Blacks in America.The Black community has had little interaction with the gay community and has attempted to distance itself from being compared to the gay community. Keith Boykin, author of One More River to Cross, often speaks to the dissensions between the Gay community and the Black community. He analyzes both the gay community and Black community’s relationship to each other and gay Black men. Boykin states, â€Å"The dirty little secret about the homosexual population is that white gay people are just as racist as white straight people† (Boykin, 1996: 234). To be â€Å"gay† has taken on a white face as well as white experiences† (Boykin, 1996: 235).Homophobia within the Black Community One thing I never realized is how many African Americans feel they have to choose between â€Å"being Black† or â€Å"being gay† based on homophobic pressures within the Black community. In her book, The Truth that Never Hurts, Smith dedicates a chapter specifically to this issue. . Smith states, â€Å"The underlying assumption is that I should prioritize one of my identities because one of them is actually more important than the rest or that I must arbitrarily choose one of them over the others for the sake of acceptance in one particular community† (Smith, 1998; 125-132).This is an issue gay Black men face as they have â€Å"loyalties† to each of their respective communities. Smith acknowledges the double consciousness that many gay Black men face in choosing b etween the gay community and the Black community. In my experience, being a Caucasian gay male, I never had to go through this since being gay, like Boykin states, has taken on a white face as the most researched and highlighted community of gay men. Gay Black Men and Issues of Masculinity and Homosexuality Afrocentricity: a mode of thought and action in which the centrality of African interests, values, and perspectives predominant.In terms of action and behavior, it is a devotion to the idea that what is in the best interest of African consciousness is at the heart of ethical behavior (Asante, 1998; 2). It seeks to highlight the idea that to be black is to be against all forms of oppression, racism, classism, homophobia, patriarchy, child abuse, pedophilia, and white racial domination. According to Asante, one cannot be afrocentric and gay. With this being said, afrocentrism recognizes homophobia’s existence, but cannot condone homosexuality to be accepted as good to furthe r the national development of a strong people.This is what most Black men struggle with yet again. To choose to embrace their black heritage and furthering an oppressed race over embracing their sexuality. It’s almost as if Black men are â€Å"trapped† between conflicting interests of different communities. Perceptions of Homosexuality leading to Risky, Dangerous, and Rash Behaviors Studies have also been conducted which look at the Black gay community and riskier sexual behavior leading to AIDS. Previous research has shown a link between riskier sexual behavior and beliefs regarding homosexuality in the Black community (Peterson, 1992).This link this creates an added barrier for Black gays when compared to white gays. Previous research has also shown that gay Blacks do not seek refuge primarily within the LGBT community and tend to be less involved than gay whites (Stokes, 1996). In fact, as Lewis points out in his study, gay Blacks experience racism in interactions w ith white gays (Battle, 2002). Attitudinal differences are important to understand as we attempt to uncover those obstacles gay Black men view as restricting their life chances. Self? estructive behaviors directly related to a negative self-concept are also the result of internalizing heterosexual ideology. High incidence of substance abuse, increasing rates of suicide, and risky sexual behaviors are the most common self? destructive behaviors exhibited by homosexuals. This is even more prevalent among Black gay men because the way they perceive themselves correlates to W. E. B. DuBois double consciousness. Gay Black men research often feel torn between the gay community, the Black community, and being a man in society.Having to combat stereotypes makes it difficult for these gay Black men to find a home in either community (Alexander, 2004). Acceptance with Stipulations in the Gay Community and Black Community While gay Black men did feel accepted at times within the gay community and the Black community†¦ that acceptance often came with a stipulation. Stipulations in the gay community were assimilation and/or sexual interest. The participants stated that if they demonstrated traits that were similar to the white community, they were often accepted into the community without any problems.Some participants even stated that they felt more accepted in the gay community when they muted their â€Å"Blackness. † The participants also stated that if the whites had an interest in gay Black men, then they also were accepted into the community. Stipulations in the Black community were usually silence (vocally and visibly) and explanations of what it means to be homosexual. Black gays often felt that they were accepted into the Black community as long as they did not speak about their lifestyle or demonstrate their lifestyle (i. e. holding hands with another man, kissing another man, being flamboyant or effeminate, etc. . Many Black gays claim to feel accept ed in the Black community once they get a chance to talk to a Black individual one on one to show them that not all gay people are what the media has portrayed. Ultimately, Black gays, like many gays, have to act â€Å"straight† and not reveal any inclination that they were homosexual. Homosexuality and Religion (The Black Church) The understanding of homosexuality within the realm of religion is also important to consider because religion has been a primary aspect of Black liberation for centuries.Homosexuality remains a major taboo in religious talk which has prompted many researchers to analyze why homophobic attitudes exist. In Delroy Constantine-Simms text, The Greatest Taboo: Homosexuality in Black Communities, the question is asked whether or not homosexuality is the greatest taboo? Constantine-Simms, E. Patrick Johnson, and Horace Griffin all provide articles that analyze the relationship between homosexuality and religion (specifically the Black church). All authors agree that the bible has been co-opted by the religious right wings placing a greater emphasis on separation rather than integration.The authors all compare the homophobia that revolves around religion to the racism and sexism that still today clouds religion. Constantine-Simms states, â€Å"With the interpretive grid provided by a critique of domination, we are able to filter out the sexism, patriarchalism, violence, and homophobia that are very much a part of the Bible, thus liberating it to reveal to us in fresh ways the in breaking, in our time, of God’s domination-free order† (Constantine-Simms, 2000: 87).In Keith Boykin’s book One More River to Cross, he speaks of several ministers he’s interviewed regarding homosexuality and religion. The majority of reverends interviewed agreed that homosexuality is a sin often quoting the Bible to reinforce their opinion. Boykin highlights one reverend in particular who has targeted the gay community as sinners. Boykin cites the Reverend James Sykes as one of best known opponents of homosexuality in the Black church. Boykin quotes Sykes defending a Klu Klux Klan meeting, â€Å"If I like pork chops and the Klan likes pork chops, nobody has nothing to say.But because the Klan agrees that homosexuality is wrong, and I agree that homosexuality is wrong, then all the sudden I’m sleeping with the Klan† (Boykin, 1996: 127-128). This attitude toward homosexuality is appalling considering Sykes is the pastor of a four hundred plus member church. Boykin, along with several other scholars, assert that the language of religion has been corrupted by right wing moralists who want nothing more than to eradicate homosexuality from the church. Media Perceptions of Black Homosexuality Images of Black homosexuality have been predominately negative in popular culture today.Across the board all individuals who have researched this topic agree that gay Black men are represented negatively in popula r culture. Gay Black men have been portrayed as void of masculinity, hyper-sexual, sassy, and flamboyant. Marlon T. Riggs, author of Black Macho Revisited: Reflections of a Snap! Queen, discusses his anger towards the straight men of the Black community. Riggs states that he expected the obstacles in life from the White community because of his race, but never expected obstacles from his own brothers regarding his sexuality.Riggs believes that they should understand what it is like to be oppressed, and therefore should reject any notion of oppression since they have to face a form of it every day as well. Riggs cites several Black men who have done nothing but participate in the degradation of the gay Black male. His best example lies in a comedy show that used to air entitled In Living Color, in which two straight Black men portrayed gay Black men to review movies from a â€Å"man’s point of view. † Riggs also brings the discussion up again regarding the ‘trapâ €  of being gay and Black. I am a Negro Faggot, if I believe what movies, TV, and rap music say of me. Because of my sexuality, I cannot be Black. A strong, proud, â€Å"Afrocentric† Black man is resolutely heterosexual, not even bisexual. † (Riggs, 1991: 389-394) Various video productions have been produced that attempt to acknowledge the difficulties of being both gay and Black. Films such as Tongues Untied intimately deconstruct the experience of the gay Black male. Tongues Untied is directed and produced by Marlon Riggs.The film addresses the struggle gay Black men face silenced and torn between both the gay and Black communities. Riggs video encapsulates the pain, fear, and hatred gay Black men deal with negotiating their identities within a community that does not recognize their race and a community that rejects their sexuality. The film presents a positive message for gay Black men to love not only themselves but their Black brethren. Tongues Untied presents the best visual representation of what it means to be Black and gay in America.Current media is attempting to expand cultural stereotypes. While some of those negative stereotypes that have been reinforced by popular media still exist, these new forms are seeking to eliminate those past stereotypes and show the world that there isn’t just one image of the African American gay man. Attitudes toward Homosexuality and their effect on Gay Black Men Living Openly White and Black attitudes toward homosexuality have directly affected gay Black men to a greater degree than gay White men. Previous studies have yielded an array of mixed results.Levitt and Klassen (1974) found in their research that whites significantly maintain more negative attitudes toward homosexuality than Blacks. Years later Hudson and Ricketts (1980) and Schneider and Lewis (1984) found the opposite. The most common results regarding Blacks and whites and their attitudes toward homosexuality displayed that Blacks were more likely to support anti-discrimination laws but Whites were typically more accepting of the homosexual lifestyle. Gregory Lewis (2003) conducted research that measures Black-white differences in attitudes toward homosexuality and gay rights.His article uses responses from almost seven thousand Blacks and forty-three thousand whites in 31 surveys conducted since 1973 to give more definitive answers on Black-white attitudinal differences and their demographic roots. Lewis’s findings correlate with the research of the past displaying Blacks as â€Å"percentage points more likely than whites to condemn homosexual relations as â€Å"always wrong† and percentage points more likely to see them warranting â€Å"God’s punishment† in the form of AIDS, but no more like to favor criminalizing gay sex† (Lewis, 2003: 63).Lewis also found that while Black’s attitudes regarding homosexuality were predominantly negative; Blacks are percentage point s more likely than whites to support laws prohibiting antigay job discrimination. Difference in attitudes matter because as Lewis states, â€Å"First, Black lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals (LGBs) may rely on same-race heterosexuals for acceptance even more than white LGBs do (Icard, 1986)† (Lewis, 2003: 61). Those same researchers concluded that Blacks attracted to their own gender often experience more pressure than whites to hide their homosexual behavior, have children, or marry (Icard, 1986).This fear of â€Å"coming out† represents a problem within the gay Black community and they become trapped which prevents them from living the lives they feel they ought to be living. Conclusion The Black gay male struggle certainly is a rough one. Compared to my experiences with homosexuality, it seems that Black gay males have much more pressure on them to conform to the heterosexual social sanctions of society, their own black community, and racism. I can definitely relate to the substance abuse and acting straight (such as pushing the thoughts out of my mind).The way society views all homosexuality needs to change, and is slowly changing. Black gay males should be paid a little more attention to in the media, research, and other forms of communication so that the weight of these pressures may be lifted off of their shoulder. Even other minorities such as Hispanic, Asian, or Indian should be more looked upon to open the nation’s eyes to the diversity and struggle of all homosexuals, not just the white gay male. With this being said, I feel we are taking great strides with the LGBTQ community to further the goal to include all who are struggling.We just need to find a way to eliminate any prejudices that make it even harder for Black gay males or any ethnicity/orientation to find happiness and acceptance. Works Cited Alexander, William H. (2004) â€Å"Homosexual and Racial Identity Conflicts and Depression Among African? American Gay Males,â₠¬  Trotter Review: Vol. 16: Iss. 1, Article 8. Available at: http://scholarworks. umb. edu/trotter_review/vol16/iss1/8 Bailey, Robert W. (1999) Gay Politics, Urban Politics: Identity and Economics in the Urban Setting. Chichester – West Sussex, New York: Columbia University Press.Boykin, Keith (1996). One More River to Cross. Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc. Anchor Books. Constantine-Simms, Delroy. , ed. The Greatest Taboo: Homosexuality in Black Communities. Alyson Publications. 2000. Hudson, Walter W. , and Wendell A. Ricketts. 1980. â€Å"A Strategy for the Measurement of Homophobia. † Journal of Homosexuality 5(4):357-72 Icard, L. (1986). Black gay men and conflicting social identities: Sexual orientation versus racial identity. Journal of Social Work and Human Sexuality, 4, 83-93. Levitt, Eugene E. , and Albert D.Klassen. 1974. â€Å"Public Attitudes toward Homosexuality: Part of the 1970 Nation Survey by the Institute for Sex Research. † Journal of H omosexuality. 1(1):29-43. Lewis, Gregory B. Black-white differences in attitudes toward homosexuality and gay rights. Public Opinion Quarterly. Chicago: Spring 2003. Vol. 67, Iss. 1; pg. 59, 20 pgs. Peterson, J. L. (1992). â€Å"Black Men and Their Same-Sex Desires and Behaviors. † In Gay Culture in America, edited by Gilbert Herdt. Boston: Beacon Press Riggs, Marlon T. Black Macho Revisited: Reflections of a Snap! Queen.Black American Literature Forum, Vol. 25, No. 2, Black Film Issue. (Summer, 1991), pp. 389- 394. Riggs, M. (director). Tongues Untied. 55 min. Frameline, Inc. , 1989. Available at: http://www. dailymotion. com/video/xe80ww_tvxs-gr-tongues-untied_people#. UWRkFE7n9Ms Smith, Barbara. The Truth that Never Hurts. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, New Jersey, and London. 1998. Pgs 125-132. Stokes, Joseph P. , and John L. Peterson. 1998. â€Å"Homophobia, Self-Esteem, and Risk for HIV among African American Men Who Have Sex with Men. † AIDS Education and Prevention 10(3):278-92

Developmental Psychology Essay

Jean Piaget (1986-1980) studied the development of children’s understanding, through observing, talking and listening to children whilst he carried out exercises that he set. He was particularly interested in how children learn and adapt to the world around them and in order for adjustment or adaptation to work, there must be constant interaction between the child and the outside world. Piaget thought that cognitive development took place through two main processes: Accommodation- The cognitive organisation of the individual is altered by the need to deal with the environment, in other words the individual adjusts to the outside world.  Assimilation- The individual deals with the new environmental situation by adjusting the outside world to fit them. This is done by adding information to the schemas which extends the overall picture thus adjusting the interpretation.  Another important feature of Piaget’s theory was schemas, a mental framework which refers to the organisation of knowledge which then guides and actions for example a baby has a schema for grasping, it wraps its fingers around items placed in its hands. Schemas enable individuals to store, organise and interpret information about their experiences. When a child has assimilated the schemas it is in a state of cognitive balance but as the child continues to explore and comes into contact with new experiences cognitive imbalance is created. This then leads to equilibration; the child then uses the process of assimilation and accommodation to restore a state of equilibrium.  Piaget believed that children’s cognitive development goes through four stages, these are: Stage one: The sensorimotor stage this stage last from birth to about 2 years, a child learns by moving around his or her environment and learning through their senses- smell, sound, sight, touch and taste. The key achievement of this stage is the concept of object permanence which allows the child to be aware of the existence of objects when they are not in view, in the early part of the sensorimotor stage a child is not aware that objects still exist when they can not see them: it is a case of out of sight out of mind. This concept of object permanence develops as the child moves around their environment. Piaget investigated his children’s lack of permanence by hiding objects and found that at 0-5 months the child was not able to look for the object once it was hidden. However by 8 months old the child would search for the objects.  Stage two: The pre-operational stage which lasts between the ages of 2-7 years. Children’s thinking is dominated by appearance and the external world. They find it difficult to view things in other ways, other than the view they have and they focus on aspect of an object or situation rather than the complete picture. Their cognitive skills are not developed enough to make logical explanations however they are able to use language and are able to represent objects by images and words. Piaget studied conservation- the idea that children have trouble understanding that things can remain the same despite a visual change and found that when the same liquid was poured from a short fat glass to a tall thin glass a child at this stage would say that there was more liquid in the new glass or that there was more liquid in the original glass. In either case the child centres, or focuses on only one dimension (height or width). In addition, Piaget investigated egocentrism which involves children assuming that their way of thinking about things is the only way. He used the three mountains task to illustrate this idea. He showed four year olds three mountains of different heights and asked them to describe how the scene would look from different positions; the children chose their own view and failed to see that it would look different from different points. Piaget found that it was only when children reached the age of 6 and upwards that they were able to see that the view is different from other positions but they often chose the wrong view. Stage three: The concrete operational stage takes place during the ages of 7 and 11. Thinking becomes much less dependent on perception and the child is able to carry out mental operations on the world. However they need to use props in order to understand how things work. Children are able to de-centrate, meaning they are able to take into account more than one aspect of an object or situation at any one time and they are able to conserve, this means that the child understands that although the appearance of something changes, the thing itself does not.  Piaget also investigated conservation during this stage by repeating the experiment with the liquid in the glasses and found that by the age of seven the majority of children could conserve liquid because they understood that when water is poured into a different shape glass, the quantity of liquid remains the same even though its appearance has changed.

Correct Positioning of the Foot and Ankle Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Correct Positioning of the Foot and Ankle - Essay Example These four positions are all that are needed for accurate and complete x-ray views of the foot and the ankle; depending on the location of the pain or injury depends on which of the three positions are used; this paper will discuss all four of the different positions that are used, as well as an example of a foot injury, an example of an ankle injury, and which of the three positions are used to best diagnose and treat the specific injury. The anteroposterior, or AP, view provides imaging of the forefoot, midfoot, tarsometatarsal and transverse tarsal articulations. To be able to obtain this particular view, the foot is placed pad down on the x-ray film, with the knee bent at a 90 degree angle, while the patient sits on the table. The beam is â€Å"centered on the third metatarsal and angled 15 degrees cephalad from the vertical† (Jones & Younger, 2006). This natural position mimics that a person would be in if they were sitting on the ground with their knees bent, and their weight placed on their elbows and buttocks. The lateral view is obtained by a person lying on their side, with the junction of the talus and fibula placed directly on the x-ray film, or plate. The beam is directly â€Å"perpendicular to a point above the base of the fifth metatarsal† (Jones & Younger, 2006). The internal oblique, or medial oblique, image compliments the lateral and AP views of the foot and ankle and is used routinely as the third view in the series. This position involves the turning of the foot and ankle outward, as though the patient were looking sideways at their ankle. The foot should be kept at a 30 degree angle ideally, with the distal phalanx of the big toe supporting the weight of the foot, and the last three phalanges of the foot not resting on the plate at all. It provides a clearer picture of the forefoot. The external oblique image is used to provide a clearer picture of the hind foot and is used as a main part of the three view foot

Recruitment and Selection Strategies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Recruitment and Selection Strategies - Essay Example It starts with the hunt for new employees and it continues till a pool of application is generated out of which new employees are selected. To develop a good strategy an organization an organization should always keep itself updated on the opening that are present in it , openings that may be required and positions that are potentially going to be vacant in the future. An organization should target the positions needed immediate fillings first, but it is best to predict the vacancies and plan for recruitment as this ensures that the quality of recruitment activities stays good. Requirements for a certain type of position should be fully understood for better recruitment. The performance level required, the experience needed by the potential employee should ne properly be established. The organization should identify that the vacant post can be best filled by external recruitment or internal recruitment. Some organizations feel that employee referrals are very effective forms of recruitment source (Lisa Guerin, 2007). Vacancies are mostly properly advertised. Human resources personnel involved in recruitment should have proper training and experience so that they can judge the skills and parameters required for the job and determine if they are present in the candidate or not. Evaluation methods of candidates should be described (Linda L. Neider, 2003). The most popular evaluation methods are written tests, interviews, psychometric tests (Carter, 2004) or a combination of these. Things that affect the recruitment process are the organizations objectives and policies, the government policies and labor laws, the source of recruitment traditionally used by an organization, the current needs of the organization and the costs affiliated with the recruitment (Rouse, 2007) The recruitment challenges faced by organizations are that the labor in some countries has aged and the pension costs are becoming high. In the modern day the organizations invite employees from all around the world (Hook, 2008), to generate a larger candidate pool the organizations use modern sources like outsourcing. Organizations outsource their recruitment activities to another organization which screens candidates initially according to organizational requirements given to it so that its employer organization can select employees from its screened candidate pool (Ian Beardwell, 2007). The advantage of this is that even if the company is not planned for a vacancy it can forward its need to the outsourcing organization and get a desired employee in lesser amount of time. It also creates competitive advantage by speeding up the process of recruitment; it helps the management to stay focused on other things rather then the generation of a candidate pool. These organizations usually negotiate salaries on the behalf of their employers to save time and resources of its employers. Poaching and raiding is also another way of acquiring talent, in this the organizations attract and employee a person who is already an

How will a governmental shutdown affect the American people Research Proposal

How will a governmental shutdown affect the American people - Research Proposal Example This paper tells that in 2011, the U.S. Congress passed a last-minute compromise bill authorizing the raising of the national debt limit which narrowly escaped a shutdown of the Federal government and its associated agencies. The threat of a U.S. government shutdown has major significance for the international financial markets, the employees of the Federal government, and the people who rely on it for goods, services, and payments. A U.S. government shutdown may be temporary and limited in effect, as it was in 1995 during the Clinton administration when the Congress and White House became deadlocked in a budgetary impasse. The changing economic climate of the 21st Century, following the global meltdown of the financial system in 2008, means that another occurrence of this event could lead to new and unintended consequences. The global economy is weak currently and emerging from a period of recession in the USA and Europe, largely caused by the consequences of years of wasteful gover nment spending and debt. The U.S. national debt now stands at over $14.5 trillion, a total greater than the complete Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the entire country and all of its annual economic activity combined. While Congress and the White House negotiated in 2011 and failed to come to concrete terms on real cuts in spending and debt reduction, the Standard & Poor’s rating agency for the first time downgraded the U.S. credit rating, citing the political impasse as a major reason. (Detrixhe, 2011) Consequently, a U.S. government shutdown in the current political and economic climate could have significantly different or more severe effects in the contemporary milieu than it did in the 1990’s when it last occurred, and these consequences would likely not be contained solely in the United States due to the complex interrelationships present in the global economy. The most immediate and obvious effects of a U.S. government shutdown would be seen for Federal governme nt employees, who would be essentially laid off without payment until the impasse is resolved. The government in this situation makes a determination as to which Federal employees are considered â€Å"essential† to national security and keeping the U.S. Congress running, and which are to be considered â€Å"non-essential† employees, to be suspended from work without payment. As Ewen MacAskill (2011) of the Guardian Newspaper reported, â€Å"The US Congress has begun sending out letters warning staff they will be suspended from this weekend along with hundreds of thousands of other workers as part of a looming federal government shutdown. The letters inform staff whether they are regarded as essential – necessary to maintain security and keep Congress running – or non-essential.† (MacAskill, 2011) MacAskill (2011) and other analysts suggest that approximately 800,000 â€Å"non-essential† employees of the Federal government would lose their jo bs and salaries at least temporarily until the budgetary issues are resolved. (MacAskill, 2011) Yet, this immediate economic effect of placing nearly 1 million people out of work would have an inherently restrictive or contractive effect on the U.S. economy. Dean Praetorius (2011) listed nine possible effects of a U.S. government shutdown that shows the ripple effects of this outcome in the domestic environment and larger global economy: 1. Lost Money: â€Å"The last shutdown cost taxpayers $800 million, including $400 million in wages to federal workers who did not report to

Discussion #8 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Discussion #8 - Essay Example It was only after the civil war and the abolition of slavery that the prison system was developed. Before that time correction was limited to physical torture or to capital punishment. Therefore, the idea of prisons was originated as a substitute for slavery. In the beginning of the installment of prisons, prisoners had to endure the Chain Gang system under-which they were forced to work in inhuman conditions. The actual prison labor system is viewed by many as the extension to the above form of abuse as it's based on the exploitation of prisoners. Imprisoned workers are extremely underpaid and don't get the same rights as regular workers such as health insurance and retirement benefits. Add to that that they are obliged to work without their consent. All the previous facts prove that prisons weren't developed for just correctional purposes but mostly for economical ones. That is most proven by the actual tendencies to privatize prisons so that these will be run by various profit organizations instead of the government. For the reasons mentioned earlier, prisoners are considered to be a treasure for these organizations' runners. That provides a logical explanation for the explosion of the incarceration rates in the United States the last few years. Incarceration rates in the USA are considered to be the highest in the world indeed! It comes as a matter of fact that black workers are incarcerated at over eight times the white rate.

Travel method cost Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Travel method cost - Case Study Example A small section of the analysis dwells on certain suggestions that are likely to bring improvements, especially in the above-identified areas. There are certain variables that significantly determine the achievement of the project’s desired results. Such factors include the entrance fee, entrance fee income, the potential trips to be registered annually, trips to be lost annually. Such variables are analyzed and their respective contributions to the success of the TCM (Parsons 300). In general, the analysis evaluates the Travel Cost Method as technique of providing recreational value of Yeulu Mountain Park. The goal is to provide important data for stating a better entrance fee. The population under target in the analysis is Yeulu Mountain Park visitors. The visitors are very many to incorporate in the study. A representative sample is therefore considered. As discussed above, there are two groups of visitors in the park, the foreign (non-local) visitors and the native (local) visitors. In the questionnaire used being considered for the analysis, 200 respondents were chosen to make the represent the views of the entire population if visitors. Each in the sample represented unit for analysis in the structured questionnaire. The sampling technique used in the analysis is stratified random sampling. It involves sampling every subpopulation separately to increase the estimation accuracy. The data used in the analysis was collected from Yeulu Mountain, Changsha city of China, in July 2007. Direct interviews were the collection method used. It assisted in improving accuracy as no data was left out of the questionnaire. It helped to ensure that the data used in th e case analysis was complete. From experience, it has been confirmed that the entrance fee income obtained is dependent on the set entrance fee. The entrance fee income can be maximized by the amount of the fee placed on, by the National Park’s management. The demand function of the Park’s travel

Software requirements Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Software requirements - Research Paper Example The process of development of requirements consists of the basic and initial level of raw requirements collected for development of software. These raw collections of requirements are taken from the customer or client of the software, who is interested in the development of the software. The early requirements are usually in the form of simple statements described by a client. These are written mostly informal ways as told by the client. The great and vital factor for requirements gathering is the technical aspect in which system is going to develop. This factor has a high scope for requirements gathering procedure. Finally, three factors have an impact on gathering of software’s requirement, the client, the environment, and the technicality of system that needs to develop. In addition to this factor, environment is itself a factor, which is involved in the making procedure of developed software. The method of elicitation of requirements is considered as the first step for collection of raw requirements. The Requirement Engineering Process Model (REPM) presented restrains various important and useful features for requirements gathering. According to the proposed model requirement elicitation, includes different kinds of important features. The requirements that are related to a business for which system is designed are important to know. These requirements involve around the demands of the business. The significance of the requirement is decided according the demand of business. These business needs will help in the process of prioritization of requirements. Along with the core business requirements, requirements that are directly useful for customers are equally important to gather. The requirements about how customer or end user will interact with the developed system are collected. These requirements create the basic structure of the system that how it will look like after final

Students and teachers should be tested for drug use in public schools Research Paper

Students and teachers should be tested for drug use in public schools - Research Paper Example Another way of determining the importance of a study is by looking at its impact on the current theory or practice in its respective field. According to Algozzine, Daunic, and Algozzine (2010), educational practice includes conflict resolution, peer mediation, and promotion of social relationship. The issue of drug use affects all the three aspects of educational practice. Therefore, the research undertaken in this study would reveal a solution to a problem that is affecting education practice. This makes the study undertaken in the proposed research to be very significant in education practice to both the educators and the students. One of the benefits would be deciding the fate of drug testing in public schools. If the results of the research justify that we should test students and teachers for drug use in all public schools, then drug testing will be adapted in all our schools. However, if the research proves otherwise, then drug testing would be dropped even in the schools that currently use it on their students and teachers. From this research, we would identify alternatives to drug testing in fighting drug use in public schools. We would also be able to identify methods of testing drug use among students that are currently in use, their merits, and demerits. This would help various education stakeholders in their efforts of improving education in our public schools.As indicated above, this study would be very significant to the whole public school fraternity and other education stakeholders.

Monopoly Review Essay Example for Free

Monopoly Review Essay 1. What character did you choose from the available choices? Why? What are the pros and cons of choosing this character in the game? The character I pick was pat the plastic surgeon because she makes a lot of money the pros are that she makes a lot of money and the cons are that he life is work. 2. What housing and car option did you choose? Why? I pick the mansion because she makes a lot of money. 3. How much money did you allocate for the characters retirement and paying off debts? Were you successful in management the money so that the character has some disposable income? I allocated 2785 to pay off debts yes I was successful to management the money so that the character has some disposable income 4. How do the changes in the game from year to year reflect real-life economics? Changes in the game from year to year is reflect of real life economies by how money is spend from for thing here and there and you can get in debt 5. What was your ending net worth? How many years can you exist on your current salary with your current salary? My ending net worth was about 22456871135 I think it was that it was about 6 years with the salary of 75000 or something like that. 6. What do you think you did well in the game? What do you think you could improve in regards to managing the characters money? That the end I have no debt I think I did great it no being in debt I could improve is to save more money and not to spend money Play the game again, but using a different character. 7. What character did you choose for the second game? Compare and contrast the situations of the first and second characters. The first time I play tis game I got a debt free at the end of the game and I got to retire in 6 year if I save my money my hole life and the second time I played it 8. How did your strategy differ between the games? Did you change the way that you did anything? I didn’t really had a strategy thought out the game but I thought how it would change the way I look at thing thought out the game 9. Did the differing levels of income, debt, and lifestyle expenses influence the choices that you made? Why or why not? yes the differing levels of income and debt was a influence the choices that I made because of the spend of money and the people who are out there trying to get my money 10. What can you learn from this game about managing your own finances? I learn that everything you do like spending money is finances impact every on a pack of gum.

Perceptual Maps in Marketing Simulation Summary Essay Example for Free

Perceptual Maps in Marketing Simulation Summary Essay Perceptual maps help to improve a companys current product on the market by mapping consumer expectation of the product. The motorcycle company Thorr Motors perceptual maps were used to create a marketing plan to aid in maintaining a high brand image of their motorcycles. The Marketing Dictionary defines perceptual maps as a process by which consumers perceptions of an existing product are charted (n.d., para. 1). In this paper the three phases of the simulation, the situation, recommended solution, and results will be discussed. In addition there will be a discussion on relationship between differentiation and positioning of products or services and the impact of the product life cycle on marketing. Phase I (201)Sales of the Cruiser Thorr are decreasing. This is so because the Cruiser Thorrs target consumers are aging and their tastes have begun to outgrow the lifestyle that Cruiser Thorr symbolizes. In addition to this issue, younger consumers are more interested in lower priced motorcycles due to their lower personal disposable incomes and they do not indentify with Cruiser Thorrs lifestyle image. This scenario wanted to determine the Cruiser Thors position in the market by choosing four relevant parameters that will reflect the highest potential. For phase I the parameters that were chosen were lifestyle image, services offered, price, and quality engineering. Lifestyle image was chosen since the image for the Cruiser Thorr was being outgrown by the aging target audience and was not identifiable with younger consumers. Since the Cruiser Thorrs lifestyle image is set very high any vital information gathered will be highly useful to maintain that level of image so that it satisfies both an older and younger audience. Services offered was another parameter chosen because compared to their competitors the services offered by the Cruiser Thorr are limited. The more frills a product comes with, the more it may heighten the desire for it. The third parameter that was chosen was price. Price was chosen because for many consumers price is one of the most important factors in making a buying decision. Furthermore, it was stated earlier that younger consumers were more interested in lower priced motorcycles. Finding out how much is too much as well as how low can you go without diluting brand image will be important in determining the  appropriate price tag to spark consumer interest. The last parameter chosen was quality engineering. This was chosen because of the fact that the Cruiser Thorr will not be able to maintain a high brand image without this feature (University of Phoenix, 2004). The decision to use lifestyle image, services offered, price, and quality engineering were the appropriate parameters to use. The parameters that were chosen were fundamental to the perceptual map and gave the best perspective as opposed to the other options. Phase II The position of the Cruiser Thorr is determined by the perceptual map and this position has not helped sales. This scenario calls for the marketing manager to create a marketing plan that will either reposition the Cruiser Thorr or launch a new motorcycle. Upon researching threats and weaknesses of Thorr Motorcycles, the decision was made to launch a new motorcycle, the RRoth, which will grab the attention of younger consumers. With the new launch the marketing mix needed to be determined. The price for the new RRoth was set between $13,000 and $15,000. This price range was chosen because earlier surveys conducted showed that the younger consumers were more interested in lower priced motorcycles. The types of promotions chosen were sponsored events at Daytona, offering insurance and protection plans, free test rides, publicize through Hollywood films, and providing giveaway merchandise. These were all chosen because of the high amount of appeal these types of promotional methods would have on younger consumers. The places chosen to promote the RRoth were the internet (Manufacturers Web site), Dealers, and Distributors. These options were chosen because of the accessibility to younger consumers, especially the internet. The services chosen were training to dealers, customization options, and financial services. Training to dealers was chosen so that the dealers can provide detailed and accurate information about the products sold. Customization options were chosen because this would add to the cool and youthful image of the RRoth. Financial services were chosen because the younger consumers indicated an interest in financing options. Choosing to launch a new motorcycle turned out to be a good decision. The marketing mix options chosen were the most optimal for the formulation of a differentiation strategy. Phase III It has been a year since the marketing plan was implemented and it is now time to determine if the plans have or have not been a success. Consumer perceptions of the Cruiser Thorr and the RRoth have been surveyed and a perceptual map will show whether or not the marketing activities have been a success. The marketing manager has to interpret market research to plot brand attributes of Cruiser Thorr. In addition, attributes relevant to the RRoth need to be chosen and interpreted to create RRoths perceptual map. The Cruiser Thorr was rated in lifestyle image at 9 because initially this was rated very high. A nine would be most appropriate. For price a rate of 4 was chosen because consumers saw this particular motorcycle as pricey compared to other brands. A rating of 4 or 5 would be appropriate. Services offered are rated at a 7 because services for the Cruiser Thorr is limited compared to competitors but were revamped because of consumer response. A rating of 7 is most appropriate. Quality engineering was rated at 8 because consumers think that Cruiser Thorrs engine is the best. A rating of 8 is very appropriate. The RRoth was rated at a 7 for lifestyle image because like other Thorr motorcycles consumers are already considering it a status symbol. The rating chosen was the appropriate choice. Price was rated at 8 because the RRoth is cheaper than the Cruiser Thorr in order to target a younger consumer. An 8 rating is appropriate. Cool was chosen for the RRoth because of the younger audience and a rating of 8 was chosen. A rating of 8 was most appropriate. Relationship between differentiation and positioning of products or servicesDifferentiation of product is according to Investopedia a marketing process that showcases the differences between products (Investopedia, .n.d., para. 1). Positioning of products is the consumer perception of a product or service as compared to its competition (Lake, n.d., para. 1). The relationship is that in order for a company to be a leader in that particular industry not only do they have to differentiate themselves from  the competition, but they must also secure a position in the market that when consumers needs need to be met, that company will be number one on the list in consumers minds. The repositioning of the product in the simulation is what I had expected. It was expected because one of the main issues was the changing perceptions of the consumers and there was nothing wrong with the physical product. Tastes were changing but the product was still of high quality. Like many companies they offered a fresh new product and for Thorr Motorcycles this attracted younger consumers. But they did not totally scrap efforts on the Cruiser Thorr and worked on revamping the image. Product Life Cycle The impact the product life cycle has on marketing is that business need to plan their products around the product life cycle. Knowing where the product is on the cycle, marketing strategies can be adjusted to maintain profitability. A particular firms marketing mix usually must change during the product life cycle (Perreault et al, 2004, pg. 270). In the simulation the Cruiser Thorr was in the decline stage of the life cycle as their sales were declining rapidly. The declining sales were because the older audiences tastes were outgrowing the Cruiser Thorr and younger consumers were put off by the high price. Because Cruiser Thorr was in decline stage, a new motorcycle, the RRoth was introduced to the life cycle and aimed at a different target group to revamp sales and consumer perception. ConclusionThe perceptual map helped to determine consumer expectations for Thorr Motorcycles. Precise parameters were determined to hone in on exactly what they wanted and expected from the company. This ultimately is what enabled Thorr Motorcycles to reposition consumer perceptions back to where Thorr motors wanted. In this paper the three phases of the simulation, the situation, recommended solution, and results were discussed. In addition there was a discussion on relationship between differentiation and positioning of products or services and the impact of the product life cycle on marketing. References: Differentiation. (n.d.). Definition. Retrieved on February 16, 2008  from,http://www.investopedia.com/terms/p/product_differentiation.aspLake, L. (n.d.). Product Positioning Definition. Retrieved on February 16, 2008 from,http://marketing.about.com/od/marketingglossary/g/prodpostdef.htmPerceptual mapping. (n.d.). Dictionary of Marketing Terms. Retrieved February 16,2008, from Answers.com Web site:http://www.answers.com/topic/perceptual-mappingPerreault, W.D., McCarthy, E.J. (2004). Basic Marketing: A Global-ManagerialApproach. McGraw-Hill CompaniesUniversity of Phoenix. (2006). General Marketing. Retrieved February 16, 2008, fromUniversity of Phoenix, Resource, Simulation, MKT421-Marketing Web site:https://mycampus.phoenix.edu/secure/resource/vendors/tata/UBAMsims/general_marketing/general_marketing_perceptual_maps_simulation.html

Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen

Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen The attention that clusters have received from policy makers and academics has substantially increased in the last 20 years. Since Porters seminal work on The Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) presented clusters as one of the determinants of the international competitiveness of nations and regions, many scholars have adopted and further developed his approach. Porter bases his arguments on what he describes as the globalization paradox, pointing out that despite the logical implications that the globalisation process might have in dismissing the relevance of regional factors, the most competitive firms in world are located in groups geographically concentrated in specific locations. That perspective contributed to attracting attention to the existence of characteristics tied to a local context that could not be accessed by firms positioned elsewhere, and more, to the positive effects that the concentration and the geographic proximity could exert on the firms competitiveness. However influential, Porters ideas were not the precursor to discussing the competitive outcomes originating from the geographic concentration of firms (Martin and Sunley, 2003). The roots of cluster theory go back to the industrial districts identified by Marshall (1890), who offered the first detailed description about the economic and social systems created as a result of the spacial concentrations of industrial activities. The Marshallian industrial districts were arrangements of small firms interconnected by commercial operations (buyers and sellers) and other firms engaged in the same or similar activities, that shared productive factors, such as the labour market, infrastructure and tacit knowledge (Becattini, 2004, p. 68). According to Marshals descriptions, a group of firms operating in one specific sector within a well-defined, concentrated and relatively small geographic area would experience higher levels of productivity and innovation, indeed the emergence of a fertile e nvironment for technical and organisational developments. Thus the local characteristics would enable the emergence of an industrial atmosphere that would increase the firms potential to acquire (especially tacit) knowledge, and create positive external economies accessible only to the firms located within the district (Asheim, 2003, p. 416). That perspective tried to evidence that firms geographically concentrated could accesses restricted positive exogenous benefits (exogenous to firms, but endogenous to the district), which would be an alternative to the scale economies achieved by a single (integrated) firm. Additionally, following some of the seminal ideas proposed by Marshall, it is possible to observe a significant number of economic geographers that also explored regional development using the spatial economic agglomeration to support their ideas. Some examples of concepts emerging from that theoretical trend are regional innovation milieux (Crevoisier, 2004), neo-Marshallian nodes (Amin and Thrift, 1992) and learning regions (Asheim, 1995). More examples can be found in Markusen (1996, p. 297), in which another three different types of industrial districts are described according to the firms configurations, internal versus external orientations and governance structures: a hub-and-spoke industrial district, which is concentrated around one or more dominant firms; a satellite platform, formed by a group of unconnected branches embedded in external links; and the state-anchored district, concentrated on one or more public-sector institutions. Despite the logical and robust assumption s found in many of those concepts, their influence and dissemination were not as successful as the more general cluster framework proposed by Porter. Martin and Sunley (2003) attributes the successful dissemination of the Porter concepts to the very general descriptions and delimitations that encompass a wide range of actors and many different structures. Following much of the concepts proposed by Porter, the description of advantages conferred on clustered firms associated with a general and structured analytical framework stimulated the development and dissemination of academic studies and subsidized the creation of supply-side competitiveness policies directed at structuring and supporting the development of clusters (Pitelis, 2010). That fact resulted in what Martin and Sunley (2003) describe as a policy panacea in the use of clusters as a standard (sometimes the unique) target for promoting competitiveness, innovation and economic growth. Moreover, in the last 20 years an increasing number of empirical studies in different countries and sectors have been observed, which aim to identify and discuss the competitive outcomes originating from the concentration of firms and other actors in the same location, for example: Brazil à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" shoe manufacturing in the Sinos Valley (Schmitz, 2000); Spain à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the text ile and clothing industries in Catalonia (Porter, 1998); Taiwan à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" electronic products at the Hsinchu Science Park (Chen, 2008); and the United States à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" computer and information systems at the Silicon Valley (Saxenian, 1994). The large significant number of academic studies has resulted in a large number of definitions aiming to describe and establish an accepted cluster template (e.g., Enright, 1996; Swann and Prevezer, 1996, Rosenfeld, 1997; Porter, 1998) to support policy makers and academics has led to intense debates and controversial perspectives. Even though the concept of clusters has been increasingly widely disseminated and used by geographers, economists and policy makers, it has suffered from some conceptual confusion. Porter defines a cluster as a geographic concentration of interconnected companies, specialized suppliers, service providers firms in related industries, and associated institutions (for example, universities, standards agencies and trade associations) in particular fields that compete but also co-operate (1998, p. 197). However, Martin and Sunley (2003, p. 12) present consistent arguments that indicate the vagueness and superficiality of the concept proposed by Porter. Accordin g to their arguments, those characteristics make the concept of cluster means different things to different researchers and policy makers, creating problems for its proper use in the guidance of academics and governments. Those highly controversial aspects of the cluster theory have stimulated the continuous emergence of new concepts and definitions for clusters. Proposing a definition aiming to fill some of the gaps and failures found in extant cluster theory, Pitelis (2010, p. 5) defines clusters as geographical agglomerations of firms in particular, related, and/or complementary, activities, with a geographical dimension, that exhibit horizontal and/or vertical intra- and/or inter-sectoral linkages, which operate in the context of a facilitatory socio-institutional setting, and which co-operate and compete (co-opete) in inter-national markets. That definition tries offer to a more delimited approach that incorporates four major elements: geographical agglomeration, linkages, social-capital  [1]  and co-opetition (competition and cooperation). The use of those four elements in a single definition offers the possibility to cover the cluster characteristics using delimited criteria to identify and distinguish developed clusters from less complex geographical agglomerations of firms and institutions. Although it is possible to observe some level of ambiguity encompassing the clusters theory, the existence of links interconnecting local actors complemented by geographical dimensions constitute some of the main common points used to guide academics and policy makers with interesting by the competitive outcomes originating from clusters. Those characteristics have frequently been used as the starting point to understand the economic dynamics of clustered firms, putting emphasis on the levels of innovation and productivity emerging from the concentration of different actors in the same area. Suggesting conditional characteristics to the presence of competitive advantages obtained by firms inside clusters, Ketels (2004) considers that the positive economic effects originated from the geographical concentration will only take place if four critical characteristics are shared among firms and institutions: Proximity: they must be geographically close to allow the emergence of knowledge spillovers and to share the same common resources; Linkages: the necessity of similarities in their activities leading to the establishment of connections and synergies; Interactions: the social interactions developed among firms, clients, suppliers, research institutes, and so on, is what forms the social capital that becomes possible firms to achieve differentiated competitive performances; Critical mass: it is important to have a significant number of firms and institutions in order to create meaningful impacts on performance of the local actors. Those characteristics described by Ketels may be used to guide the identification and distinction between developed clusters (Pitelis, 2010) from incipient clusters (Schmitz, 1999) in order to dismiss some incorrect interpretations associated with the clusters dynamics. Considering that the presence of geographic concentration of firms in the same industry is strikingly common around the world (Porter, 1990, p.120), it is necessary the use of specific benchmarks to distinguish and classify different groups of firms geographically concentrated according to their specific characteristics (Gordon and McCann, 2000; Isbasoiu, 2006). Describing how the existence of local capabilities  [2]  create differentiated conditions for companies within real clusters, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) argue that clusters are essentially formed from path dependencies (Martin and Sunley, 2006), transaction costs economies (McCann and Sheppard, 2003) and small cognitive distances originating from spatial proximity (Maskell, 2001). Thus, that set of factors are expected to create a specific regional dynamics with influence on the firms economic performance. Taking into consideration the different stages of a cluster life cycle, and the misunderstandings related to the claims associated with the clusters and competitiveness, Schmitz points out that A group of small producers making the same or similar things in close vicinity to each other constitutes a cluster, but such concentration in itself brings few benefits (1999, p. 4), emphasizing that the mere presence of firms in a delimited area does not represent a source of value creat ion able to improve in a significant way the local economic performance. Following the arguments above, the differences between regional clusters and simple agglomerations (groups of firms) lie mainly on the interconnected nature and spatial proximity. Thus, clusters are characterized by intense collaborative networks and concentrations of collaboration and competition (co-opetitition) (Pitelis, 2010), conditions which offer significant opportunities and stimulate the emergence of regional competitive advantages (Steinle and Schiele, 2002). Complementarily, another critical characteristic observed within clusters is the diversity of actors. According to Porter (1990, 1998, 2000), an industrial cluster includes suppliers, consumers, related industries, governments, and supporting institutions such as universities. This way, the existence of a regional network formed by a significant group of interconnected local actors is one of the critical factors to understand the differentiated competitive performance of firms within clusters (Steinle and Schiele, 2002 ). Illustrating that argument, Saxenian (1994) observed that Hewlett Packard and other firms at the Silicon Valley had their performance improved by the development long-term partnerships with suppliers located geographically close. Moreover, based on that observation, Saxenian concluded that, especially in high-tech industries, the physical proximity represents a facilitator to the establishment of efficient collaborative arrangements required to create and manage complex products and services. 1.2 Evolutionary Stages of Industrial Clusters Despite the vast cluster literature, the number of academic works discussing the evolutionary patterns of clusters overtime is not so extensive. Some examples can be found in Pouder and John (1996), Klepper (2001, 2007), Wolter (2003) and Andersson et al., (2004), and despite the divergent perspectives, it is accepted that clusters follow a kind of life cycle comprised by different phases that significantly differ in their characteristics and influence on firms performance. Regarding the cluster dynamics, Pouder and John (1996) argue that comparative analysis between clustered and non-clustered firms during the industry life cycle reveal that firms within clusters outperform those geographically dispersed at the initial stages of development, and have a worse performance at its end. That fact suggests that the cluster life cycle is not just a local representation of the industry trajectory, but is a result from local peculiarities. The comparative analysis developed by Saxenian (1994 ) between the computer industry in Boston and Silicon Valley illustrates how different clusters belonging to the same industry are very likely to follow different trajectories (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). Proposing a different perspective, Klepper (2001, 2007) suggests a model to demonstrate how the clusters life cycle is determined by some the industry patterns. Klepper analyzed the automobile, tire and television industries and observed that at the beginning of the industry life cycle it was not possible to observe clear geographic concentrations of firms, with most of the firms spatially dispersed. He observed that in those industries clusters started to emerge and develop according to the industry growth rates. Klepper argues that the local characteristics originating from the spacial proximity (e.g., intensive spin-off process) give the stimulus for the geographic agglomeration of the whole industry, not only for specific groups. At the time the industry growth rate reduces, the attractiveness to remain agglomerated will also decrease and the industry will become dispersed again. That model proposed by Klepper represents a Technology-Product- Industry (TIP) life cycle. The logic behind this model is on the impact that the evolution of products and innovations has on the size, number, and location of firms. Wolter (2003) criticizes the model proposed by Klepper arguing that the growth rate cannot explain the agglomeration process in all industries on equal basis. Moreover, Wolter disagrees with the determinist perspective proposed by the TIP model, once it neglects that mature industries can be reinvented by radical or incremental innovations of new products and process. Analyzing the economic performance of firms within clusters Pouder and John (1996) attribute to the existence of mental models and biased cognitive focus the characteristics responsible for shaping the movement through the clusters life cycle. Following that perspective, at initial stages the cluster dynamics creates an innovative environment that exerts positive impacts on the firms performance. However, overtime that initial condition is eroded by strong institutional pressures that create a homogeneous macroculture that acts inhibiting the innovative capacity of the firms within the cluster. As in the model presented by Klepper (2001, 2007), that trajectory proposed by Pouder and John may also be criticized by the determinism that ignores the possibility of adaptations or reconfigurations in order to avoid lock-ins and other negative effects. Considering the arguments proposed by Menzel and Fornahl (2010, p. 8) that very few clusters follow a rigid life cycle from emergence to growth and decline, it is expected that clusters evolve overtime according to the local dynamics created by economic and social interactions among firms and institutions. That dynamics may be influenced, but not strictly determined by industry patterns (Wolter, 2003). Following a generic and stylized trajectory, within successful clusters the local network formed by inter-firm connections will tend to be intensified overtime, with an increasing number of formal and informal interactions between the long-established companies and new the ones attracted to the cluster. Even though it is more conceivable to assume that the decisions adopted by firms and institutions are shaped by specific circumstances, a generic trajectory can be described following the stages illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1: The cluster life cycle C:UsersLucasAppDataLocalMicrosoftWindowsTemporary Internet FilesContent.WordSem tÃÆ' ­tulo.jpg Source: Andersson et al. (2004, p. 43) Agglomeration: It is possible to observe the existence of a number of companies and other actors (e.g. banks, government agencies, universities, accountants, and lawyers offices) in a specific region working around the same or interrelated activities. Emerging cluster: Forming the embryo to the cluster some actors start to cooperation around some core activities, and start to realize the existence of common linkages. Developing cluster: The linkages are intensified by the emergence and attraction of new actors to the region, resulting in the creation of more interaction. In this context the development of inter-firm-cooperation becomes more evident through the development of joint efforts. The Mature cluster: This stage is configured by the presence of a certain critical mass of factors that consistently influence the competitive performance of the firms inside the cluster. The internal dynamics is characterized by the presence of an institutional environment, strong linkages, complementarities and the emergence of new firms through startups, joint ventures and spin-offs. Transformation: Indeed the process of continuous environmental change in markets, technologies, regulations and other process, to be successful a cluster have to innovate and adapt to these new conditions, other way stagnation and decay may affect the cluster dynamics. That process of change/adaptation may happen through the emergence of one or several interconnected clusters with focus in other activities, or by new configuration in terms of networks of firms and institutions. The presence of economic benefits for clustered firms described by authors like Schmitz and Nadvi (1999), Ketels (2004), Isbasoiu (2006) and Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) are closely related to the stage of development that a cluster is experiencing. For example, an emerging cluster is not actually a cluster, since the small number of firms is not expected to present a high level of linkages and do not form a critical mass. Moreover, the absence of strong interdependencies such as labour mobility, spin-off, socioeconomic networks and intense exchange of good and services prevent the emergence of local capabilities. Thus, same considering that this stage constitutes the embryo that determines the future cluster orientation, at this point the firms are not expected to be strongly influenced by a complex local dynamics. Observing that fact, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) present a skeptical position regarding the effectiveness of any competitiveness policy intended to stimulate the development of clusters at initial stages (agglomeration and emerging), since the existence of horizontal and vertical links among firms concentrated in the same region constitutes a very common fact around the world. Thus, it is almost impossible to distinguish agglomerations with real potential to become a cluster from less complex structures. Consequently, emerging clusters are almost always only described ex-post. After the initial stages of the clusters life cycle it is expected the development and intensification of interdependencies between firms within cluster boundaries (Press, 2006). Indeed the development of those interdependencies, firms start to resemble more with each other, being observe the emergence of convergent designs in terms of technological models (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010), specialized labour market (Cooke et al., 2007), production systems (Pitelis, 2010) and inter-firm relationships (Blien and Maier, 2008). Moreover, developing clusters also attract a high number of start-ups that act stimulating the intensification of intra-cluster relationships. This way, that process of convergence and expansion of the number of firms within the cluster boundaries culminates in the development of self-reinforcing external economies that decrease the heterogeneity among firms at the same time that creates benefits like transactions cost economies and the privileged access to local knowle dge. As clusters reach the stage of maturity, the standards and configurations originating from past decisions become consolidate and it is observed a reduction in the growth rate of firms attracted to the cluster (Klepper, 2007). At this point the cluster trajectory may take two different directions. Keep unchanged, and suffer with a homogenization process that creates bias economic activities and therefore prevent firms to adapt to external shocks (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). That situation traps firms in previous successful development path and lead to the geographic dispersion of the local actors and to the deterioration of the interdependencies and capabilities. The other possible trajectory is observed in clusters that reach the stage of maturity and successfully sustain the local dynamics by a continuous process of reconfiguration and adaptation to the external shocks (Wolter, 2003). 1.2 Clusters and Economic Performance The extant theory offers a wide range of explanations to justify the economic and competitive benefits experienced by firms located within clusters. Krugman (1991) stress the existence of increasing returns originating from the concentration of firms in the same area, arguing that the geographic proximity puts together the main parts related to firms activities (e.g., labours, firms, suppliers and costumers) resulting in transaction costs economies. Following other perspective, Schmitz and Nadvi (1999) argue that unintentional external economies are not sufficient to explain the competitiveness of firms located within clusters, attributing to the existence of deliberate joint actions (e.g., sharing equipments, associations, strategic alliances and producers improving components) a critical source of the competitive advantages. Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) explain the levels of competitiveness and productivity associated with clustered firms considering the existence of specialized hu man resources, infrastructure and befits associated with unit costs economies complemented by the presence of an institutional atmosphere. Stressing a different point of view, Bahlmann and Huysman (2008) adopts the knowledge-based view of clusters to emphasize the relevance of knowledge spillovers among the firms to explain the advantages originated from the agglomeration process. Dupuy and Torre (2006) explains the existence of cluster in terms of the advantages originating from trust relationships that increase confidence and reduce risk and uncertainty about the intra-cluster operations taking place among the firms. Moreover, Zyglidopoulos et al. (2003), describe the positive effects that the reputation of a cluster may exert on the internalization process of small and micro enterprises through the alleviation of strategic constraints associated with factors like qualified work force, financing and reduction of the firms legitimation expenses. Despite that wide range of arguments, the most traditional perspective found in the cluster literature has explained the competitive advantages of clusters in terms of productivity and innovation (Pitelis, 1998; Porter, 1998), suggesting that the special characteristics originated from the economic and geographic proximity have significant impact on those two factors. Supplementary, Enright (1998) considers that the characteristics present inside the clusters local environment result in pressures, incentives and capabilities that increase the firms competitiveness comparatively to dispersed competitors, explaining the clustering process in terms of geographically restricted characteristics. Moreover, Solvell et al. (2003) suggests that the competitive advantages emerging from regional clusters may be classified as static and dynamics. According to this perspective, while the agglomeration process triggered and sustained intensively or exclusively by factors like natural resources, low cost labors and government subsidies offers a vulnerable (easy to be copied, substituted or simple eroded by environmental changes) competitive position, clusters based on dynamics characteristics like multi-sectorial externalities, advantages of scale and scope and specific knowledge spillovers are more dynamics and competitive. Extending the arguments presented by Solvell and his colleagues, Andersson et al. (2004) considers that the sustainability of static and dynamic competitive advantages is not strictly determined, arguing that static factors are the main responsible for the emergence of clusters, while the dynamics factors are only developed along the different stages of the cluste r life cycle. Complementing the understanding about the influence of the cluster dynamics on the firms economic performance some authors like Porter (2001); Garnsey and Heffernan (2007); Karlsson (2008) and Mason (2008) describe the existence of a self-reinforcing process originating from the agglomeration externalities that contribute to create a regional virtuous-circle of increasing productivity, competitiveness and value creation. Following that argument, the economic and geographic proximity will stimulate firms to innovate more indeed benefits originating from local capabilities, which will stimulate even more the agglomeration process through the intensification of inter-firm relationships and the attraction of other firms from outside the cluster, which in turn will strength the local capabilities (Blandy, 2003, p. 101). Thus, the dynamics of clusters is expected to be self-reinforced by agglomeration benefits with significant influence on the firms performance. Putting together the arguments associated with the economic impacts experienced by clustered firms indeed the existence of local factors, it is possible to identify and describe the following positive location-specific externalities: Cost savings indeed the geographic proximity with specialized suppliers, labours and distributors; Knowledge-spillovers (intentional and unintentional), since firms inside clusters can benefit from the knowledge dissemination process that may take place especially through inter-firm cooperation, specific linkages and labour mobility; Deliberate joint actions facilitated by the engagement in alliances and partnerships to achieve strategic objectives; Trust relationships, that through the geographic and economic proximity minimize the uncertainty associated with commercial operations, resulting in transactions costs economies; Pressures for higher performance, stimulated by the proximity with competitors; Specific Infrastructure and public goods that are oriented to attend the cluster demands, like roads, ports, laboratories and telecommunication networks; Complementarities, associated with firms in different activities but sharing common factors like raw material, clients and technologies that may enhance the cluster efficiency as whole. Discussing the role of regional clusters in shaping competitive patterns, Tallman et al. (2004) proposes a distinction between the types of competitive advantages emerging from clustered firms: based on traded interdependencies and based on untraded interdependencies. The concept of traded interdependencies is related to the existence of inter-firm transactions inside the cluster, and is observed in formal exchange operations that may take place in form of alliances, commercial operations and acquisitions. On the other hand, untraded interdependencies are related to less tangible effects, and are based on shared knowledge for which no market mechanism exists; with no formal exchange of value for value (Tallman et al. 2004, p. 261). To illustrate the mechanisms by which the untraded interdependencies take place, it is possible to mention unintentional external economies associated with tacit knowledge shared through mechanisms like labor mobility. Those different types of interdependencies, especially untraded, present at the cluster level, represent a source of competitive advantage that is likely to be causal ambiguous (for firms inside and outside the cluster) and high complex in terms of their origins, what consequently constitutes attributes difficult to be replicated by competitors. However, the presence of untraded effects, especially unintentional knowledge spillovers, is viewed Enright (1998) as a constraining factor for firms within clusters, since the establishment of an efficient information flow may limit the firms capacity to obtain monopoly profits from the development of innovations. Complementing the negative effects originating from the clusters dynamics, some authors also describe agglomeration diseconomies that have a negative impact firms located within clusters. For example, congestion effects (Arthur, 1990), institutional sclerosis (Pouder and John, 1996; Pitelis, 2010), rigidities associated with labour mobility and natural resources (Krugman, 1989) and pollution (Fan and Scott, 2003). This way, the dynamics and performance of a cluster is determined by the interplay between positive and negative externalities observed during the different stages of development that a cluster is expected to pass overtime (Wolter, 2003) Limitations in the Cluster Theory Notwithstanding the advances in the cluster theory some questions still remain insufficiently explored. One of the main limitations observed in the current state of the cluster literature is the lack of comparative perspectives to explain the advantages and disadvantages of clusters relatively to other alternative models of organization of economic activities. In his very novel approach, Pitelis (2010) suggests that any perspective trying to explain clusters in terms of absolute advantages is at the very best incomplete. In this context, Pitelis proposes the comparison of clusters vis-ÃÆ'  -vis to markets and hierarchies in order to understand the reasons and conditions that lead firms to engage in intra-clusters relationships, market operations (outside the cluster) or integrate within the firms hierarchy. In fact it is not necessary a great effort to conclude that most of the cluster theory has been developed following a mono-institutional approach (e.g. Porter, 1990, 1998; Saxe nian, 1994; Rosenfeld, 1998; Swann and Sennett, 1998; Schmitz and Nadvi, 1999), while some few exceptions concentrated on transactions costs (e.g. Fujita and Thisse, 1996; Iammarino and McCann, 2006; Takeda et al., 2008) and knowledge creation efficiency (e.g. Hendry et al., 2000; Tracey and Clark, 2003; Reinau, 2007; Kongmanila and Takahashi, 2009) have been drawn on a comparative approaches between clusters and open-market operations. Assuming the arguments proposed by many scholars that clusters are engines of innovation (Davis, 2006, p. 32), the lack of comparative perspectives do not answer the question why clusters are more efficient than markets or the hierarchy to improve the firms innovative capacity (Pitelis, 2010). Thus, despite the wide number of ramifications observed in the cluster theory such as innovative efficiency, productivity, social capital and social interactions, its explicative power remains almost always restricted Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen The attention that clusters have received from policy makers and academics has substantially increased in the last 20 years. Since Porters seminal work on The Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) presented clusters as one of the determinants of the international competitiveness of nations and regions, many scholars have adopted and further developed his approach. Porter bases his arguments on what he describes as the globalization paradox, pointing out that despite the logical implications that the globalisation process might have in dismissing the relevance of regional factors, the most competitive firms in world are located in groups geographically concentrated in specific locations. That perspective contributed to attracting attention to the existence of characteristics tied to a local context that could not be accessed by firms positioned elsewhere, and more, to the positive effects that the concentration and the geographic proximity could exert on the firms competitiveness. However influential, Porters ideas were not the precursor to discussing the competitive outcomes originating from the geographic concentration of firms (Martin and Sunley, 2003). The roots of cluster theory go back to the industrial districts identified by Marshall (1890), who offered the first detailed description about the economic and social systems created as a result of the spacial concentrations of industrial activities. The Marshallian industrial districts were arrangements of small firms interconnected by commercial operations (buyers and sellers) and other firms engaged in the same or similar activities, that shared productive factors, such as the labour market, infrastructure and tacit knowledge (Becattini, 2004, p. 68). According to Marshals descriptions, a group of firms operating in one specific sector within a well-defined, concentrated and relatively small geographic area would experience higher levels of productivity and innovation, indeed the emergence of a fertile e nvironment for technical and organisational developments. Thus the local characteristics would enable the emergence of an industrial atmosphere that would increase the firms potential to acquire (especially tacit) knowledge, and create positive external economies accessible only to the firms located within the district (Asheim, 2003, p. 416). That perspective tried to evidence that firms geographically concentrated could accesses restricted positive exogenous benefits (exogenous to firms, but endogenous to the district), which would be an alternative to the scale economies achieved by a single (integrated) firm. Additionally, following some of the seminal ideas proposed by Marshall, it is possible to observe a significant number of economic geographers that also explored regional development using the spatial economic agglomeration to support their ideas. Some examples of concepts emerging from that theoretical trend are regional innovation milieux (Crevoisier, 2004), neo-Marshallian nodes (Amin and Thrift, 1992) and learning regions (Asheim, 1995). More examples can be found in Markusen (1996, p. 297), in which another three different types of industrial districts are described according to the firms configurations, internal versus external orientations and governance structures: a hub-and-spoke industrial district, which is concentrated around one or more dominant firms; a satellite platform, formed by a group of unconnected branches embedded in external links; and the state-anchored district, concentrated on one or more public-sector institutions. Despite the logical and robust assumption s found in many of those concepts, their influence and dissemination were not as successful as the more general cluster framework proposed by Porter. Martin and Sunley (2003) attributes the successful dissemination of the Porter concepts to the very general descriptions and delimitations that encompass a wide range of actors and many different structures. Following much of the concepts proposed by Porter, the description of advantages conferred on clustered firms associated with a general and structured analytical framework stimulated the development and dissemination of academic studies and subsidized the creation of supply-side competitiveness policies directed at structuring and supporting the development of clusters (Pitelis, 2010). That fact resulted in what Martin and Sunley (2003) describe as a policy panacea in the use of clusters as a standard (sometimes the unique) target for promoting competitiveness, innovation and economic growth. Moreover, in the last 20 years an increasing number of empirical studies in different countries and sectors have been observed, which aim to identify and discuss the competitive outcomes originating from the concentration of firms and other actors in the same location, for example: Brazil à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" shoe manufacturing in the Sinos Valley (Schmitz, 2000); Spain à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the text ile and clothing industries in Catalonia (Porter, 1998); Taiwan à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" electronic products at the Hsinchu Science Park (Chen, 2008); and the United States à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" computer and information systems at the Silicon Valley (Saxenian, 1994). The large significant number of academic studies has resulted in a large number of definitions aiming to describe and establish an accepted cluster template (e.g., Enright, 1996; Swann and Prevezer, 1996, Rosenfeld, 1997; Porter, 1998) to support policy makers and academics has led to intense debates and controversial perspectives. Even though the concept of clusters has been increasingly widely disseminated and used by geographers, economists and policy makers, it has suffered from some conceptual confusion. Porter defines a cluster as a geographic concentration of interconnected companies, specialized suppliers, service providers firms in related industries, and associated institutions (for example, universities, standards agencies and trade associations) in particular fields that compete but also co-operate (1998, p. 197). However, Martin and Sunley (2003, p. 12) present consistent arguments that indicate the vagueness and superficiality of the concept proposed by Porter. Accordin g to their arguments, those characteristics make the concept of cluster means different things to different researchers and policy makers, creating problems for its proper use in the guidance of academics and governments. Those highly controversial aspects of the cluster theory have stimulated the continuous emergence of new concepts and definitions for clusters. Proposing a definition aiming to fill some of the gaps and failures found in extant cluster theory, Pitelis (2010, p. 5) defines clusters as geographical agglomerations of firms in particular, related, and/or complementary, activities, with a geographical dimension, that exhibit horizontal and/or vertical intra- and/or inter-sectoral linkages, which operate in the context of a facilitatory socio-institutional setting, and which co-operate and compete (co-opete) in inter-national markets. That definition tries offer to a more delimited approach that incorporates four major elements: geographical agglomeration, linkages, social-capital  [1]  and co-opetition (competition and cooperation). The use of those four elements in a single definition offers the possibility to cover the cluster characteristics using delimited criteria to identify and distinguish developed clusters from less complex geographical agglomerations of firms and institutions. Although it is possible to observe some level of ambiguity encompassing the clusters theory, the existence of links interconnecting local actors complemented by geographical dimensions constitute some of the main common points used to guide academics and policy makers with interesting by the competitive outcomes originating from clusters. Those characteristics have frequently been used as the starting point to understand the economic dynamics of clustered firms, putting emphasis on the levels of innovation and productivity emerging from the concentration of different actors in the same area. Suggesting conditional characteristics to the presence of competitive advantages obtained by firms inside clusters, Ketels (2004) considers that the positive economic effects originated from the geographical concentration will only take place if four critical characteristics are shared among firms and institutions: Proximity: they must be geographically close to allow the emergence of knowledge spillovers and to share the same common resources; Linkages: the necessity of similarities in their activities leading to the establishment of connections and synergies; Interactions: the social interactions developed among firms, clients, suppliers, research institutes, and so on, is what forms the social capital that becomes possible firms to achieve differentiated competitive performances; Critical mass: it is important to have a significant number of firms and institutions in order to create meaningful impacts on performance of the local actors. Those characteristics described by Ketels may be used to guide the identification and distinction between developed clusters (Pitelis, 2010) from incipient clusters (Schmitz, 1999) in order to dismiss some incorrect interpretations associated with the clusters dynamics. Considering that the presence of geographic concentration of firms in the same industry is strikingly common around the world (Porter, 1990, p.120), it is necessary the use of specific benchmarks to distinguish and classify different groups of firms geographically concentrated according to their specific characteristics (Gordon and McCann, 2000; Isbasoiu, 2006). Describing how the existence of local capabilities  [2]  create differentiated conditions for companies within real clusters, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) argue that clusters are essentially formed from path dependencies (Martin and Sunley, 2006), transaction costs economies (McCann and Sheppard, 2003) and small cognitive distances originating from spatial proximity (Maskell, 2001). Thus, that set of factors are expected to create a specific regional dynamics with influence on the firms economic performance. Taking into consideration the different stages of a cluster life cycle, and the misunderstandings related to the claims associated with the clusters and competitiveness, Schmitz points out that A group of small producers making the same or similar things in close vicinity to each other constitutes a cluster, but such concentration in itself brings few benefits (1999, p. 4), emphasizing that the mere presence of firms in a delimited area does not represent a source of value creat ion able to improve in a significant way the local economic performance. Following the arguments above, the differences between regional clusters and simple agglomerations (groups of firms) lie mainly on the interconnected nature and spatial proximity. Thus, clusters are characterized by intense collaborative networks and concentrations of collaboration and competition (co-opetitition) (Pitelis, 2010), conditions which offer significant opportunities and stimulate the emergence of regional competitive advantages (Steinle and Schiele, 2002). Complementarily, another critical characteristic observed within clusters is the diversity of actors. According to Porter (1990, 1998, 2000), an industrial cluster includes suppliers, consumers, related industries, governments, and supporting institutions such as universities. This way, the existence of a regional network formed by a significant group of interconnected local actors is one of the critical factors to understand the differentiated competitive performance of firms within clusters (Steinle and Schiele, 2002 ). Illustrating that argument, Saxenian (1994) observed that Hewlett Packard and other firms at the Silicon Valley had their performance improved by the development long-term partnerships with suppliers located geographically close. Moreover, based on that observation, Saxenian concluded that, especially in high-tech industries, the physical proximity represents a facilitator to the establishment of efficient collaborative arrangements required to create and manage complex products and services. 1.2 Evolutionary Stages of Industrial Clusters Despite the vast cluster literature, the number of academic works discussing the evolutionary patterns of clusters overtime is not so extensive. Some examples can be found in Pouder and John (1996), Klepper (2001, 2007), Wolter (2003) and Andersson et al., (2004), and despite the divergent perspectives, it is accepted that clusters follow a kind of life cycle comprised by different phases that significantly differ in their characteristics and influence on firms performance. Regarding the cluster dynamics, Pouder and John (1996) argue that comparative analysis between clustered and non-clustered firms during the industry life cycle reveal that firms within clusters outperform those geographically dispersed at the initial stages of development, and have a worse performance at its end. That fact suggests that the cluster life cycle is not just a local representation of the industry trajectory, but is a result from local peculiarities. The comparative analysis developed by Saxenian (1994 ) between the computer industry in Boston and Silicon Valley illustrates how different clusters belonging to the same industry are very likely to follow different trajectories (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). Proposing a different perspective, Klepper (2001, 2007) suggests a model to demonstrate how the clusters life cycle is determined by some the industry patterns. Klepper analyzed the automobile, tire and television industries and observed that at the beginning of the industry life cycle it was not possible to observe clear geographic concentrations of firms, with most of the firms spatially dispersed. He observed that in those industries clusters started to emerge and develop according to the industry growth rates. Klepper argues that the local characteristics originating from the spacial proximity (e.g., intensive spin-off process) give the stimulus for the geographic agglomeration of the whole industry, not only for specific groups. At the time the industry growth rate reduces, the attractiveness to remain agglomerated will also decrease and the industry will become dispersed again. That model proposed by Klepper represents a Technology-Product- Industry (TIP) life cycle. The logic behind this model is on the impact that the evolution of products and innovations has on the size, number, and location of firms. Wolter (2003) criticizes the model proposed by Klepper arguing that the growth rate cannot explain the agglomeration process in all industries on equal basis. Moreover, Wolter disagrees with the determinist perspective proposed by the TIP model, once it neglects that mature industries can be reinvented by radical or incremental innovations of new products and process. Analyzing the economic performance of firms within clusters Pouder and John (1996) attribute to the existence of mental models and biased cognitive focus the characteristics responsible for shaping the movement through the clusters life cycle. Following that perspective, at initial stages the cluster dynamics creates an innovative environment that exerts positive impacts on the firms performance. However, overtime that initial condition is eroded by strong institutional pressures that create a homogeneous macroculture that acts inhibiting the innovative capacity of the firms within the cluster. As in the model presented by Klepper (2001, 2007), that trajectory proposed by Pouder and John may also be criticized by the determinism that ignores the possibility of adaptations or reconfigurations in order to avoid lock-ins and other negative effects. Considering the arguments proposed by Menzel and Fornahl (2010, p. 8) that very few clusters follow a rigid life cycle from emergence to growth and decline, it is expected that clusters evolve overtime according to the local dynamics created by economic and social interactions among firms and institutions. That dynamics may be influenced, but not strictly determined by industry patterns (Wolter, 2003). Following a generic and stylized trajectory, within successful clusters the local network formed by inter-firm connections will tend to be intensified overtime, with an increasing number of formal and informal interactions between the long-established companies and new the ones attracted to the cluster. Even though it is more conceivable to assume that the decisions adopted by firms and institutions are shaped by specific circumstances, a generic trajectory can be described following the stages illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1: The cluster life cycle C:UsersLucasAppDataLocalMicrosoftWindowsTemporary Internet FilesContent.WordSem tÃÆ' ­tulo.jpg Source: Andersson et al. (2004, p. 43) Agglomeration: It is possible to observe the existence of a number of companies and other actors (e.g. banks, government agencies, universities, accountants, and lawyers offices) in a specific region working around the same or interrelated activities. Emerging cluster: Forming the embryo to the cluster some actors start to cooperation around some core activities, and start to realize the existence of common linkages. Developing cluster: The linkages are intensified by the emergence and attraction of new actors to the region, resulting in the creation of more interaction. In this context the development of inter-firm-cooperation becomes more evident through the development of joint efforts. The Mature cluster: This stage is configured by the presence of a certain critical mass of factors that consistently influence the competitive performance of the firms inside the cluster. The internal dynamics is characterized by the presence of an institutional environment, strong linkages, complementarities and the emergence of new firms through startups, joint ventures and spin-offs. Transformation: Indeed the process of continuous environmental change in markets, technologies, regulations and other process, to be successful a cluster have to innovate and adapt to these new conditions, other way stagnation and decay may affect the cluster dynamics. That process of change/adaptation may happen through the emergence of one or several interconnected clusters with focus in other activities, or by new configuration in terms of networks of firms and institutions. The presence of economic benefits for clustered firms described by authors like Schmitz and Nadvi (1999), Ketels (2004), Isbasoiu (2006) and Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) are closely related to the stage of development that a cluster is experiencing. For example, an emerging cluster is not actually a cluster, since the small number of firms is not expected to present a high level of linkages and do not form a critical mass. Moreover, the absence of strong interdependencies such as labour mobility, spin-off, socioeconomic networks and intense exchange of good and services prevent the emergence of local capabilities. Thus, same considering that this stage constitutes the embryo that determines the future cluster orientation, at this point the firms are not expected to be strongly influenced by a complex local dynamics. Observing that fact, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) present a skeptical position regarding the effectiveness of any competitiveness policy intended to stimulate the development of clusters at initial stages (agglomeration and emerging), since the existence of horizontal and vertical links among firms concentrated in the same region constitutes a very common fact around the world. Thus, it is almost impossible to distinguish agglomerations with real potential to become a cluster from less complex structures. Consequently, emerging clusters are almost always only described ex-post. After the initial stages of the clusters life cycle it is expected the development and intensification of interdependencies between firms within cluster boundaries (Press, 2006). Indeed the development of those interdependencies, firms start to resemble more with each other, being observe the emergence of convergent designs in terms of technological models (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010), specialized labour market (Cooke et al., 2007), production systems (Pitelis, 2010) and inter-firm relationships (Blien and Maier, 2008). Moreover, developing clusters also attract a high number of start-ups that act stimulating the intensification of intra-cluster relationships. This way, that process of convergence and expansion of the number of firms within the cluster boundaries culminates in the development of self-reinforcing external economies that decrease the heterogeneity among firms at the same time that creates benefits like transactions cost economies and the privileged access to local knowle dge. As clusters reach the stage of maturity, the standards and configurations originating from past decisions become consolidate and it is observed a reduction in the growth rate of firms attracted to the cluster (Klepper, 2007). At this point the cluster trajectory may take two different directions. Keep unchanged, and suffer with a homogenization process that creates bias economic activities and therefore prevent firms to adapt to external shocks (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). That situation traps firms in previous successful development path and lead to the geographic dispersion of the local actors and to the deterioration of the interdependencies and capabilities. The other possible trajectory is observed in clusters that reach the stage of maturity and successfully sustain the local dynamics by a continuous process of reconfiguration and adaptation to the external shocks (Wolter, 2003). 1.2 Clusters and Economic Performance The extant theory offers a wide range of explanations to justify the economic and competitive benefits experienced by firms located within clusters. Krugman (1991) stress the existence of increasing returns originating from the concentration of firms in the same area, arguing that the geographic proximity puts together the main parts related to firms activities (e.g., labours, firms, suppliers and costumers) resulting in transaction costs economies. Following other perspective, Schmitz and Nadvi (1999) argue that unintentional external economies are not sufficient to explain the competitiveness of firms located within clusters, attributing to the existence of deliberate joint actions (e.g., sharing equipments, associations, strategic alliances and producers improving components) a critical source of the competitive advantages. Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) explain the levels of competitiveness and productivity associated with clustered firms considering the existence of specialized hu man resources, infrastructure and befits associated with unit costs economies complemented by the presence of an institutional atmosphere. Stressing a different point of view, Bahlmann and Huysman (2008) adopts the knowledge-based view of clusters to emphasize the relevance of knowledge spillovers among the firms to explain the advantages originated from the agglomeration process. Dupuy and Torre (2006) explains the existence of cluster in terms of the advantages originating from trust relationships that increase confidence and reduce risk and uncertainty about the intra-cluster operations taking place among the firms. Moreover, Zyglidopoulos et al. (2003), describe the positive effects that the reputation of a cluster may exert on the internalization process of small and micro enterprises through the alleviation of strategic constraints associated with factors like qualified work force, financing and reduction of the firms legitimation expenses. Despite that wide range of arguments, the most traditional perspective found in the cluster literature has explained the competitive advantages of clusters in terms of productivity and innovation (Pitelis, 1998; Porter, 1998), suggesting that the special characteristics originated from the economic and geographic proximity have significant impact on those two factors. Supplementary, Enright (1998) considers that the characteristics present inside the clusters local environment result in pressures, incentives and capabilities that increase the firms competitiveness comparatively to dispersed competitors, explaining the clustering process in terms of geographically restricted characteristics. Moreover, Solvell et al. (2003) suggests that the competitive advantages emerging from regional clusters may be classified as static and dynamics. According to this perspective, while the agglomeration process triggered and sustained intensively or exclusively by factors like natural resources, low cost labors and government subsidies offers a vulnerable (easy to be copied, substituted or simple eroded by environmental changes) competitive position, clusters based on dynamics characteristics like multi-sectorial externalities, advantages of scale and scope and specific knowledge spillovers are more dynamics and competitive. Extending the arguments presented by Solvell and his colleagues, Andersson et al. (2004) considers that the sustainability of static and dynamic competitive advantages is not strictly determined, arguing that static factors are the main responsible for the emergence of clusters, while the dynamics factors are only developed along the different stages of the cluste r life cycle. Complementing the understanding about the influence of the cluster dynamics on the firms economic performance some authors like Porter (2001); Garnsey and Heffernan (2007); Karlsson (2008) and Mason (2008) describe the existence of a self-reinforcing process originating from the agglomeration externalities that contribute to create a regional virtuous-circle of increasing productivity, competitiveness and value creation. Following that argument, the economic and geographic proximity will stimulate firms to innovate more indeed benefits originating from local capabilities, which will stimulate even more the agglomeration process through the intensification of inter-firm relationships and the attraction of other firms from outside the cluster, which in turn will strength the local capabilities (Blandy, 2003, p. 101). Thus, the dynamics of clusters is expected to be self-reinforced by agglomeration benefits with significant influence on the firms performance. Putting together the arguments associated with the economic impacts experienced by clustered firms indeed the existence of local factors, it is possible to identify and describe the following positive location-specific externalities: Cost savings indeed the geographic proximity with specialized suppliers, labours and distributors; Knowledge-spillovers (intentional and unintentional), since firms inside clusters can benefit from the knowledge dissemination process that may take place especially through inter-firm cooperation, specific linkages and labour mobility; Deliberate joint actions facilitated by the engagement in alliances and partnerships to achieve strategic objectives; Trust relationships, that through the geographic and economic proximity minimize the uncertainty associated with commercial operations, resulting in transactions costs economies; Pressures for higher performance, stimulated by the proximity with competitors; Specific Infrastructure and public goods that are oriented to attend the cluster demands, like roads, ports, laboratories and telecommunication networks; Complementarities, associated with firms in different activities but sharing common factors like raw material, clients and technologies that may enhance the cluster efficiency as whole. Discussing the role of regional clusters in shaping competitive patterns, Tallman et al. (2004) proposes a distinction between the types of competitive advantages emerging from clustered firms: based on traded interdependencies and based on untraded interdependencies. The concept of traded interdependencies is related to the existence of inter-firm transactions inside the cluster, and is observed in formal exchange operations that may take place in form of alliances, commercial operations and acquisitions. On the other hand, untraded interdependencies are related to less tangible effects, and are based on shared knowledge for which no market mechanism exists; with no formal exchange of value for value (Tallman et al. 2004, p. 261). To illustrate the mechanisms by which the untraded interdependencies take place, it is possible to mention unintentional external economies associated with tacit knowledge shared through mechanisms like labor mobility. Those different types of interdependencies, especially untraded, present at the cluster level, represent a source of competitive advantage that is likely to be causal ambiguous (for firms inside and outside the cluster) and high complex in terms of their origins, what consequently constitutes attributes difficult to be replicated by competitors. However, the presence of untraded effects, especially unintentional knowledge spillovers, is viewed Enright (1998) as a constraining factor for firms within clusters, since the establishment of an efficient information flow may limit the firms capacity to obtain monopoly profits from the development of innovations. Complementing the negative effects originating from the clusters dynamics, some authors also describe agglomeration diseconomies that have a negative impact firms located within clusters. For example, congestion effects (Arthur, 1990), institutional sclerosis (Pouder and John, 1996; Pitelis, 2010), rigidities associated with labour mobility and natural resources (Krugman, 1989) and pollution (Fan and Scott, 2003). This way, the dynamics and performance of a cluster is determined by the interplay between positive and negative externalities observed during the different stages of development that a cluster is expected to pass overtime (Wolter, 2003) Limitations in the Cluster Theory Notwithstanding the advances in the cluster theory some questions still remain insufficiently explored. One of the main limitations observed in the current state of the cluster literature is the lack of comparative perspectives to explain the advantages and disadvantages of clusters relatively to other alternative models of organization of economic activities. In his very novel approach, Pitelis (2010) suggests that any perspective trying to explain clusters in terms of absolute advantages is at the very best incomplete. In this context, Pitelis proposes the comparison of clusters vis-ÃÆ'  -vis to markets and hierarchies in order to understand the reasons and conditions that lead firms to engage in intra-clusters relationships, market operations (outside the cluster) or integrate within the firms hierarchy. In fact it is not necessary a great effort to conclude that most of the cluster theory has been developed following a mono-institutional approach (e.g. Porter, 1990, 1998; Saxe nian, 1994; Rosenfeld, 1998; Swann and Sennett, 1998; Schmitz and Nadvi, 1999), while some few exceptions concentrated on transactions costs (e.g. Fujita and Thisse, 1996; Iammarino and McCann, 2006; Takeda et al., 2008) and knowledge creation efficiency (e.g. Hendry et al., 2000; Tracey and Clark, 2003; Reinau, 2007; Kongmanila and Takahashi, 2009) have been drawn on a comparative approaches between clusters and open-market operations. Assuming the arguments proposed by many scholars that clusters are engines of innovation (Davis, 2006, p. 32), the lack of comparative perspectives do not answer the question why clusters are more efficient than markets or the hierarchy to improve the firms innovative capacity (Pitelis, 2010). Thus, despite the wide number of ramifications observed in the cluster theory such as innovative efficiency, productivity, social capital and social interactions, its explicative power remains almost always restricted